The political crisis in Peru: Should Dina Boluarte stay until 2026 or resign after scandals?

The presidential institution has been degraded. Vacancy motions against President Boluarte have been dismissed, but the political class is divided. Should Dina stay until 2026 or leave after what happened with the Rolex Case and her brother Nicanor? For the stability of the country, it is most desirable that every elected authority completes their term. In the case of the president, she should not rely solely on Congress. She should also have the support of the citizens, and to achieve that, she must show positive results in favor of the Peruvians. For example, by reducing the high crime rates in the country, a task that should be led by her personally. If it is true that her brother committed a crime and she tries to use her power to protect him, such action will lead to the end of her mandate. There is a rooted and bloody political struggle that does not allow for the well-being of the citizens. The political agenda is not addressing important issues such as security, health, and education. The role of Congress is regrettable. They have made decisions without respecting political protocols and not always seeking the welfare of the country but their own. For example, if parliamentarians believe in reelection as a beneficial tool for all, why have they not approved the reelection of mayors and governors and have only approved their own reelection? This is a clear example of legislation in favor of self-interests. I agree, but it would be a tremendous mistake if new faces lack political experience. Indeed, a significant part of the problems in Peruvian politics is due to the destruction of political parties. With that destruction came the neglect of forming leaders, and we have handed over the most important positions to people who came to learn. And it shows in all their actions, even in requesting authorization to travel when it is not appropriate in the midst of a political crisis. The president should not travel. Firstly, because we are in the midst of a political crisis. She has the lowest approval rating recorded in recent decades for a president, and she should work to reverse that, not travel. Secondly, she is a president without a vice president who questionably delegates the presidency each time she leaves, which could also have consequences in the future. The conflict between the interests of China and the US over the Shanghai megaport is evident, and the president's visit to a meeting with the ruler of China is not timely. It cannot be denied that Antauro Humala is a candidate with potential, which has been generated by the extremes that have not understood or addressed the citizens' demands, leading some voters to seek radical changes. I do believe there has been a politicization of the Public Ministry, a persecution against Keiko Fujimori who has been imprisoned three times and released the same number of times, showing that so much imprisonment was not necessary to investigate her. She has been a victim of judicial politicization. However, the Fujimorismo continues to make mistakes, such as the recent request by Alberto Fujimori to receive a pension; a lifelong pension that clearly does not apply to him because he has been convicted, and the pardon does not mean forgetting the crime, but forgiveness of the penalty, which means his sentence, his conviction remains firm. No, they would not have let her govern either. I also think that Keiko has gone through a maturation process that makes her a better politician today than before. She has undergone a process of suffering that tends to improve human beings. Alberto Fujimori cannot run for president because there is a law that prohibits those convicted of corruption from running for life, which is the case with him. Fujimori is legally barred for life according to current laws. The violent times we are living in require that positions related to citizen security be held by men and women who are not afraid of physical death or possible legal consequences. In Magdalena, we have made many brave decisions, such as permanently closing all stores selling stolen goods; we were the first municipality in Peru to offer rewards to stop criminals; one of the first - years ago - to use non-lethal weapons; we destroyed motorcycles seized on public roads that did not have proper documentation to prevent their use in criminal acts; we are the first municipality with armed personal protection (bodyguards) to protect the van drivers in the security service. These actions, coordinated work with the National Police (PNP), and investing a large part of our budget in security have led us to reduce the crime rate by over 70% compared to the period 2019 - 2022, in which we were not in office, and recently we were recognized as the number one district in the fight against crime in all of Metropolitan Lima. The neglect and persecution of our police force are some of the things that have most damaged the fight against common crime and organized crime. Today, this institution, among other deficiencies, has 47% of its vehicle fleet inoperative, obsolete communication equipment, insufficient criminalistics laboratories, a deficit of over 50,000 officers, and a lack of support for intelligence and investigation areas. This is compounded by the fact that police officers who apprehend armed criminals in confrontations are sometimes arrested, leading many officers today to prefer not to intervene. We must also consider the corruption of some bad elements working in the PNP, the Public Ministry, and the Judiciary. It is very detrimental to citizen security to change the Minister of the Interior so frequently. Beyond that, I know Juan José Santivañez and believe he has the knowledge and attitude necessary to achieve favorable results; we must give him a reasonable period for that to happen. The resignation could indeed be linked to the withdrawal of police support from Eficcop. It was an untimely political decision that harmed the image of the president and the then Minister of the Interior. However, it is also true that if each prosecutor has their exclusive police support group, there will not be a single officer left for citizen protection. We are experiencing a second wave of violence due to the actions of organized crime and common crime. To stop it, it is essential to restore the principle of authority, strengthen the Ministry of the Interior's institutional framework, and legally protect the police. Regarding Colonel Colchado, I believe he has not been careful with procedures. The images of the raid on the president, for example, should not have been disseminated. They went around the world to the shame of all. The fight against corruption must be one of the government's most important actions. According to the comptroller, over 24 billion soles are lost annually due to corruption. Investment in the fight against corruption should not be spared, as long as there are positive results. Without a doubt, preliminary and preventive detention have become a political tool. I must strongly lament that the same institution that releases armed criminals with grenades; that released 'Maldito Cris' when he was first arrested so he could go out and kill a police officer and a security guard. This example is repeated over and over, releasing foreign criminals, those arrested with weapons, those arrested with stolen phones, foreign criminals who obviously have no ties. It is the same institution that detains politicians and claims they have no ties despite having known work. Clearly, different standards are applied, and it should be an institution with the same criteria for applying preventive and preliminary detention for all citizens. Is it a prison institution? Then, we demand that it also be with criminals who kill Peruvians for not paying 8 soles in protection money, as in the case of the motorcycle taxi drivers. There is a regrettable internal power struggle among the involved parties that is damaging that institution and the entire country. Unfortunately, the Public Ministry has become a political actor. Evidence of this is the internal power struggle currently ongoing. Undoubtedly, corruption has infiltrated the Peruvian State, and the Judiciary is not exempt. However, it cannot be said that everyone within the State is corrupt.